The announced intention by Jamaica’s Prime Minister Bruce Golding to make way for a new leader of the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) prior to the next election provides strong indication that, at least, where the question of political succession is concerned, Jamaican politics exhibits a level of maturity that remains absent in other English-speaking Caribbean countries.
Undoubtedly, the reality of political violence, the close links between political leaders and community dons, and the staggering levels of economic inequality and poverty continue to blight Jamaica’s politics.
However, Jamaica’s political history suggests strongly that the tendency to “one-manism” – the recalcitrant and stubborn retention of power by entrenched leaders and electoral domination of the unchallenged leader over long periods of time – has been largely avoided.
This is not to suggest that Jamaica’s experiences have not hinted at the tendencies that have plagued other Caribbean countries. Indeed, Golding’s JLP has had its close brushes with the entrenched strongman.
Alexander Bustamante, megalomaniacal enough to name the Bustamante Industrial Trades Union after himself, went to worrisome lengths to retain control of both the union and the JLP. Similarly, the long sojourn of Edward Seaga as head of the party was broken only when Golding himself first left the JLP to form his alternative grouping, and later returned to battle Seaga for the leadership.
By agreeing to step down voluntarily, rather than through popular rejection, Golding was showing himself true to the democratic ideals which had motivated his own challenge to Seaga.
Particularly significant about Golding’s decision is the fact that it is the JLP’s rival, the Peoples’ National Party, which has, thus far, the better established record of democratic political transitions. Norman Manley begat Michael Manley who begat P. J. Patterson who begat Portia Simpson. All of this begetting was done through democratic internal party elections.
Quite tellingly, Patterson’s decision to leave was taken as a sitting prime minister with a strong likelihood of continued electoral successes. Such democratic habits had never been fully practised in Golding’s JLP. Nor are they evident outside Jamaica.
Trinidad’s Eric Williams and St Lucia’s John Compton ruled for nearly three decades. The Birds of Antigua solidified the dynasty of one family. Guyana’s politics under Forbes Burnham created a culture of constitutional and electoral manipulation which is difficult to reverse. Other countries differ in degree, rather than kind. Golding’s decision, therefore, must be commended for contributing to more mature democratic practice in the JLP, Jamaica and the Caribbean.
However, we should not exaggerate Golding’s democratic credentials. His continuation had become untenable from the first shot fired in the Tivoli uprising over Christopher “Dudus” Coke. An earlier resignation would have sent a stronger message.
Though late, his stepping down is indeed noble. It should be emulated by others. Present and future worthy candidates, undoubtedly, will only applaud from a distance.
Tennyson Joseph is a political scientist at the University of the West Indies Cave Hill Campus specializing in regional affairs. Email tjoe2008@live.com